INSTITUTE ON WOMEN
&
WOM' M'S

CRIMINAL JUSTICE

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Mothers, Infants and Imprisonment
A National Look at Prison Nurseries
and Community-Based Alternatives
May 2009

ABOUT WPA

W P A

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WOMHI'S PRISON

"'SSOC1~TION

Women’s Prison Association
110 Second Avenue
New York, NY 10003
646.336.6100
www.wpaonline.org

The Women’s Prison Association is a service and
advocacy organization committed to helping women with
criminal justice histories realize new possibilities for
themselves and their families. Our services make it
possible for women to obtain work, housing, and health
care; to rebuild their families; and to participate fully in
civic life. Through the Institute on Women & Criminal
Justice, WPA pursues a rigorous policy, advocacy, and
research agenda to bring new perspectives to public
debates on women and criminal justice.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Chandra Kring Villanueva is the primary author of this
report, and Sarah B. From and Georgia Lerner
contributed as writers and editors. WPA would like to
thank the researchers and program staff across the
country who provided information for this report. This
report was funded in part through a grant from the Open
Society Institute.
GENERAL NOTE
This report represents the most up-to-date information
available to us at the time of publication. If you would like
to provide updated or corrected information for future
versions of this report, please send an e-mail to
institute@wpaonline.org.

© 2009 Women’s Prison Association & Home

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Executive Summary

4

Introduction

8

Characteristics of Prison Nursery Programs
Program Spotlight – Washington Correctional Center for Women

9
11

Characteristics of Community-Based Residential Parenting Programs
Program Spotlight – Lovelady Center, Birmingham, AL
Program Spotlight – Federal Bureau of Prisons MINT Program

12
13
14

Standards and Accreditation

15

Research

15

Recommendations

24

Appendix I - Prison Facilities with Nursery Programs

27

Appendix II - Community Based Residential Parenting Programs

30

Appendix III - Jails with Nursery Programs

33

Appendix IV – Federal Bureau of Prisons

34

Appendix V – An International Look at Mothers & Children in Prison

35

Endnotes

38

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
“Are there really babies in prison?”

At the Women’s Prison Association (WPA), hardly a week passes without us receiving an
inquiry to this effect. Not surprisingly, the image of babies – cute, joyful, innocent – residing in
our popular culture’s image of prisons – harsh, scary, full of “offenders” – arouses a great deal
of curiosity. People who contact us want to know: What happens when a woman has a baby in
prison? Which states have prison nursery programs? And are they a good thing?

In this report, WPA highlights two different responses to women who give birth while under
criminal justice supervision: prison nurseries and community-based residential parenting
programs. We provide an overview of both types of programs1, review the literature on the
subject, and offer recommendations for policymakers, practitioners, and researchers.

Between 1977 and 2007, the number of women in prison in the United States increased by 832
percent.2 According to data released by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), in 2004 four
percent of women in state prisons and three percent of women in federal prisons were pregnant
at the time of admittance.3 In 1999, BJS reported that six percent of women in local jails were
pregnant at the time of admittance.4 As the number of women in prison has skyrocketed over
the past 30 years, states have had to consider what it means to lock up women, many of whom
are pregnant or parenting.

Child development experts, academics and policy makers debate what is best for mothers and
children when a mother gives birth while under criminal justice supervision. There is no national
policy that dictates what happens to children born to mothers who are under correctional
supervision. The overwhelming majority of children born to incarcerated mothers are separated
from their mothers immediately after birth and placed with relatives or into foster care. In a
handful of states, women have other options: prison nurseries and community-based residential
parenting programs.

Prison nursery programs allow a mother to parent her infant for a finite period of time within a
special housing unit at the prison.

Community-based residential parenting programs allow

mothers to keep their infants with them while they fulfill their sentences in residential programs
in the community.

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The profile of women accepted into these two types of programs is nearly identical. They have
committed low-level non-violent offenses, face relatively short sentences and will continue as
their child(ren)’s primary caregiver upon release.

WPA interviewed officials at existing or soon-to-open prison nursery programs in nine states:
California, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Nebraska, New York, South Dakota, Washington, and
West Virginia.

We also spoke with representatives from community-based residential parenting programs in
Alabama, California, Connecticut, Illinois, North Carolina, Massachusetts, and Vermont.
In addition, we interviewed Federal Bureau of Prisons officials at their residential parenting
programs in Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Texas, and West Virginia.

Findings

The number of prison-based nursery programs is growing, but such programs are still
rare.
•

Though every state has seen a dramatic rise in its women’s prison population over the
past three decades, only nine states have prison nursery programs in operation or under
development.

•

All of the current prison nursery programs, with the exception of the program at Bedford
Hills Correctional Facility in New York, have opened within the last 20 years.

•

Of the nine prison nursery programs existing or in development, four were created within
the last five years.

Research shows that these programs benefit mothers and children.
•

When adequate resources are available for prison nursery programs, women who
participate show lower rates of recidivism, and their children show no adverse affects as
a result of their participation.

•

By keeping mothers and infants together, these programs prevent foster care placement
and allow for the formation of maternal/child bonds during a critical period of infant
development.

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Many women parenting their infants in prison nurseries could be doing so in the
community instead.
•

The profile of women in prison nurseries is nearly identical to that of participants in
community-based programs. Women in both types of programs are serving relatively
short sentences for non-violent offenses, and will continue primary caretaking
responsibility for their child(ren) upon release.

•

Most women in prison nursery programs present little risk to public safety. The issues
that bring most women in contact with the criminal justice system – drug addiction, lack
of education, poverty – are better addressed in a community setting than in prison.

Recommendations

Informed by interviews with 25 experts across the country and our review of available research
on the topic, we offer the following recommendations:

Increase use of community corrections and reduce reliance on incarceration.
•

Whenever possible, custodial parents and pregnant women under criminal justice
supervision should be housed in community-based, non-incarcerative settings.

•

Community corrections programs have been shown to protect public safety and reduce
recidivism at a fraction of the human and economic costs of prison.

Enhance program features that promote overall family wellbeing in prison nurseries and
community-based residential parenting programs.
•

On the whole, prison nurseries and community-based residential parenting programs
could better reflect the range of women’s family needs, which often include children born
prior to the mothers’ current sentence.

•

Programs should operate according to prevailing community child health and
development standards.

•

Mothers should be able to access educational and vocational services while participating
in a mother-child program, as they will be expected to serve as both mothers and
employees after their release.

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Fund scientific research, participatory action research, and program evaluations of
prison nurseries and community-based residential parenting programs to reveal best
practices and the potential benefits of system reforms.
•

There have been very few evaluations and scientific research studies conducted of
prison nursery programs and even fewer of community-based mother-child programs.

•

Through research, best practices and needed reforms can be identified and
implemented.

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INTRODUCTION

Between 1977 and 2007, the number of women in prison in the United States increased by 832
percent.5 According to data released by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), in 2004 four
percent of women in state prisons and three percent of women in federal prisons were pregnant
at the time of admittance.6 In 1999, BJS reported that six percent of women in local jails were
pregnant at the time of admittance.7 As the number of women incarcerated each year increases,
it stands to reason that the number of women who enter pregnant and deliver a child while in
custody will increase as well.

Child development experts, academics and policy makers debate what is best for mothers and
children when a mother is under criminal justice supervision. There is no national policy that
dictates what happens to children born to mothers who are under correctional supervision. The
overwhelming majority of children born to incarcerated mothers are separated from their mother
immediately after birth and placed with relatives or into foster care.

Up to the 1950s, prison based nursery programs for children born in custody were common in
correctional facilities across the country. By the early 1970s every state, except New York, had
closed their nursery programs. Costs and lack of need, along with the fact that most babies
could be placed with family members, were cited as reasons for the closures.8 Now, with more
women being incarcerated than ever before – and a growing recognition of the importance of
the family bond to both maternal and child success – several states are taking steps to keep
mothers and infants together.

For this brief, the term, prison nursery is defined as a program that allows a child born to an
incarcerated woman to remain in the care of its mother for a finite amount of time within a
correctional facility. The term, community-based residential parenting program, is used to
describe a program where a child is allowed to reside with its mother in a community-based
residence where the mother is serving her sentence.

The rationale for investing in prison nurseries and community-based residential parenting
programs rests upon evidence that early mother-child bonding results in positive future
outcomes for both mother and child. Research published by the American Psychological Society
found that infants who bond securely with their mothers become more self-reliant and have

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higher self-esteem as toddlers. Later in life, this translates into successful peer relationships and
the ability to better cope with life stressors.9 Allowing infants and young children to stay with
their incarcerated mothers may also improve outcomes for the mothers. According to a report by
New York State Department of Correctional Services, when a person has strong ties to their
family during incarceration they have a much lower risk of recidivism than those who lack those
strong ties.10

Critics of these parenting programs argue that prison is not an appropriate environment for
children and that living in prison may have harmful effects on the child later in life. Others have
expressed the view that women who have broken the law are unable or unwilling to be mothers
to their children and therefore should not have the privilege of parenting.11

CHARACTERISTICS OF PRISON NURSERY PROGRAMS

Prison nurseries are a reemerging trend within correctional facilities. Most of the programs
identified in this brief were developed within the last ten to fifteen years, during a time when the
female prison population has increased sharply. The exception is the nursery at Bedford Hills
Correctional Facility of New York, originally opened in 1901, making it the oldest in the country.
This program has served as a model for many of the other prison nursery programs.

There are currently seven states that allow women who are pregnant at the time of sentencing
to keep their infants with them inside a correctional facility after the baby’s birth: Illinois, Indiana,
Ohio, Nebraska, New York, South Dakota, and Washington. Two other states, California and
West Virginia, are in the process of creating prison nursery programs. Our research found only
one jail in the nation that has a prison nursery, Rikers Island in New York City (Appendix III).

Many similarities exist among programs. All states with prison nursery programs consider
applications only when the child is born in state custody. As a general rule, the mother must not
have been convicted of a violent crime or have a past history of child abuse or neglect. Often,
mothers are required to sign waivers releasing the facility from any responsibility if their children
become sick or injured. The stated purpose of these nursery programs is to facilitate bonding
between mothers and their children. As a result, in most facilities, the duration of the child’s stay
and participation in the program is dependent upon the length of the mother’s sentence.

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The maximum allowable duration of a child’s stay varies between the different facilities. At the
South Dakota Women’s Prison, infants are only permitted to stay for 30 days. In contrast, the
Washington Correctional Center for Women allows children to stay with their incarcerated
mothers for up to three years. The average maximum allowable length of stay for a child at most
facilities is between 12 to 18 months.

The capacities of prison nursery programs differ considerably. The Decatur Correctional Center
in Illinois, started in 2007, has space for five mother/child pairs. Bedford Hills Correctional
Facility in New York, on the other hand, has the largest program in the nation with the capacity
for 29 mother/child pairs. The manner in which mothers and children are housed is determined
by each individual facility. In most facilities, the nursery program is in a wing or unit of the prison
separated from the general population.

All of the prison-based programs provide educational programming in child development and
parenting skills. Several facilities have structured their programs modeled on the prison nursery
at Bedford Hills Correctional Facility in New York. In addition to the nursery, the Children’s
Center at Bedford Hills offers a parenting center, prenatal center, infant day care center, and a
child advocacy office.12 Through these programs, incarcerated mothers are able to participate in
support groups, gain support and information about breastfeeding and learn about infant growth
and development. Bedford Hills is also dedicated to supporting the mother-child bonds for
women who do not participate in the nursery program. The visiting room at Bedford Hills has a
special children’s area where mothers can read to their children and play games. During the
summer, a camp is held where children with incarcerated mothers stay with local host families
at night and spend the day at the prison participating in activities with their mothers.

In addition to parenting and child development classes, the Nebraska Correctional Center for
Women requires all women in the nursery who do not have a high school diploma to attend
GED courses.13 The Washington Correctional Center for Women, due to the extended period
(up to three years) a child is allowed to stay at the facility, offers Early HeadStart to all of the
children who reside with their incarcerated mothers.

Program descriptions of current prison nursery programs can be found in Appendix I (Rikers
Island jail program is located in Appendix III).

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Residential Parenting Program at Washington Correctional Center for Women
Gig Harbor, WA
In 1999, the Washington Correctional Center for Women opened the Residential Parenting Program (RPP) for
pregnant women incarcerated within the facility. To qualify for this nursery program, pregnant women must be
classified as minimum security, convicted of non-violent offenses and eligible for release within three years of
giving birth. The RPP allows children, born in the facility, to stay with their mothers for up to 36 months, longer
than any other facility in the country.

RPP participants live in “J Unit,” a housing area that is separate from the general population. Each mother has
her own room with an adult bed and an infant crib or toddler bed. In the mother-child wing, a playroom, bathing
and diaper changing room, and kitchenette are provided for the residents. There is also a large outside play
area. A pediatrician visits the facility once a month to monitor the children’s growth and to administer checkups and vaccines.

To meet the developmental and educational needs of the toddlers who reside at the RPP, the Washington
Correctional Center for Women has implemented an Early Head Start program through a partnership with the
Puget Sound Educational Service District. The Child Development Center, located on the Correctional
Center’s grounds, is staffed by Early Head Start Educators, including one position designated for an
incarcerated woman.

Through Early Head Start, incarcerated mothers and their children receive developmental screenings and
assessments, infant/toddler care and activities, nutritious meals and family support. Services such as prenatal
education, information about infant health and development, screening for maternal depression are provided
to the pregnant women and newborns living on J Unit. This is the only correctional facility in the country that
provides Early Head Start services on-site for its residing mothers and children.

Also unique to the Washington Correctional Center for Women is the use of doula services for pregnant
women. A doula is a woman who is knowledgeable about childbirth and assists a woman throughout the
duration of labor, childbirth and directly post-partum. Doula services are provided by the Birth Attendants’
Prison Doula Project, a community-based organization located in Olympia, Washington. In addition to
providing assistance during labor, doulas hold parenting classes within the facility and help pregnant women to
create an individualized childbirth plan.

For more information: www.residentialparenting.com and www.birthattendants.org

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CHARACTERISTICS OF COMMUNITY-BASED RESIDENTIAL PARENTING PROGRAMS

Community-based residential parenting (CBRP) programs divert pregnant women (and in some
cases, mothers of young children) from prison, offering an opportunity to serve out courtimposed sentences in the community. Many of the programs are designed for women who
have histories of substance abuse and provide drug treatment alongside parenting support.
These programs are utilized at varying stages of criminal justice involvement, from pre-trial
through the duration of a sentence, as a condition of parole or as a requirement for probation.

CBRP programs are different from prison nurseries in several key respects. CBRP programs
are not located inside correctional facilities. Often, these programs are operated by non-profit
organizations that partner, or are in contract, with local departments of corrections to provide
supervision, housing and social services in a community setting. Women sentenced to CBRP
programs are usually allowed to gain approval to leave the facilities to attend doctors’
appointments, social service appointments or other programs in the community. The facility
settings are often home-like with mother and child sharing a private bedroom.

Like prison nursery programs, the purpose of community-based programs is to promote bonding
between mother and child. Unlike prison nurseries, the children who participate in CBRP
programs are not necessarily born in custody; mothers are often allowed to bring their small
children with them into the program. Most CBRP programs allow children to stay with their
mothers until they reach school age. The duration of the child’s stay is often tied to the length of
the mother’s sentence.

Examples of Community-Based Residential Parenting Programs can be found in Appendix II.

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Lovelady Center – Birmingham, AL

Located in an old hospital, the Lovelady Center opened in 2005 to address the needs of women
coming home from prison and to create an alternative to incarceration for the women of Alabama.
The Lovelady Center is the only residential program in the state of Alabama where criminal justiceinvolved women can live with their children. Women at the Center participate in a comprehensive 9
to 12 month faith-based program that aims to prepare them to succeed in the community.

Women may be sentenced to reside at the Lovelady Center by a judge as an alternative to
incarceration. Other women are required to reside there as a condition of their probation or parole,
or as the result of parole/probation violation. In 2007, the Lovelady Center implemented a
Supervised Reentry Program where women from Tutwiler Prison who are 12 to 18 months from
release can be transferred to the Center to receive education and job training services. Spaces are
also available for women who volunteer themselves for substance abuse treatment.

The Lovelady Center is a state-certified substance abuse treatment center and a certified cosecondary educational center, making it possible for the Center to provide a wide-range of services
in-house. The Center also provides job-readiness and training services and through relationships
with local employers has been able to successfully place its graduates in a variety of stable jobs.
Twenty-four hour transportation is provided to the women who are working while residing at the
Center.

Those working towards reunification with their children or who already have custody of their children
must participate in parenting classes. The Center has the capacity to accommodate approximately
150 children at a time. Services for the children at the Center include summer camps, bible school
and day care. For the older children a “Teen Scene” center was recently created. Staff members’
children are also allowed to participate in these programs. There is no age limit for children residing
at the Center, though boys over 14 years of age are only allowed under certain circumstances and
have restricted access to the grounds.

For more information: www.loveladycenter.org

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Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Mothers and Infants Nurturing Together Program

In the mid-1980s, the Bureau of Prisons established Mother and Infant Nurturing Together
(MINT), a residential program for women who are pregnant when they enter the federal prison
system. Like other prison-based nursery programs, the purpose of the MINT program is to
promote bonding and provide parenting skills to women who will have custody of their children
after they are released. In order to participate in this program the mother must make prior
arrangements for the custody of her child while she serves out the remainder of her sentence. If
the mother is planning to put the child up for adoption or into foster care, she is not eligible to
participate. Women who become pregnant while on furlough are also ineligible for the MINT
program.

Participation eligibility is determined by a number of factors including the mother’s public safety
risk level, her mental and physical health, and her behavior at the federal facility prior to being
awarded the transfer. The program was originally designed for women who had five years or
less left of their sentence after participating in the program, though several facilities reported
women with longer sentences participating.

A couple of months prior to giving birth, a participating woman is transferred to a communitybased facility that contracts with the Federal Bureau of Prisons to operate a MINT program.
Currently there are seven facilities that hold MINT contracts. Generally, women stay with their
infants at the MINT facility for three months, however a couple of the facilities allow a longer
stay. Once a mother and infant finish the program, the child is released to the agreed-upon
caretaker in the community and the mother is returned to her original federal facility. If she is
towards the end of her sentence, she may be transferred to a halfway house closer to where she
and the child will ultimately live.

A directory of MINT program facilities can be found in Appendix IV.

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STANDARDS AND ACCREDITATION

Regulatory agencies, such as the American Correctional Association (ACA) and the National
Commission on Correctional Health Care (NCCHC), publish standards and offer accreditation
for correctional institutions.

NCCHC standards state that women should receive pregnancy-related counseling and
appropriate prenatal care.14 ACA’s mandatory pregnancy management standards include
pregnancy testing, routine and high-risk prenatal care, management of chemically addicted
pregnant women, comprehensive counseling and assistance, appropriate nutrition and
postpartum follow-up.15 Neither agency has accredited or issued standards in relation to the
health care or housing needs for infants residing in correctional institutions.

There are no national standards for the treatment of pregnant women under criminal justice
supervision. The need for such standards is often cited in policy debates over the shackling
pregnant women during labor and delivery. Only three states, California, Illinois and Vermont,
restrict the use of shackles on pregnant women during transportation, labor and delivery. The
Federal Bureau of Prisons has also banned the use of shackles on pregnant women under
federal custody, with exceptions for extreme circumstances.16

RESEARCH

The primary goal of most prison nursery programs is to promote bonding between mothers and
children while giving mothers tools to become better parents. A secondary goal is to reduce
recidivism among incarcerated mothers by encouraging them to make lifestyle changes
following release. Though the number of prison nursery and community-based residential
parenting programs has increased steadily over the last ten years, little research has been
conducted on the impact of these programs. The following is a summary of relevant reports,
studies, and evaluations that have been conducted on the topic of prison or community-based
residential programs.

Program Evaluations
Nebraska Correctional Center for Women17

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The Nebraska Correctional Center for Women opened its nursery program in 1994 and has
released a two-year and five-year program evaluation; a third study is to be released in the
summer of 2009. These evaluations, performed with the assistance of Ryan Associates and the
University of Nebraska, provide the most extensive data currently available on the outcomes of
a prison nursery program. At the time of the five-year evaluation, 44 infants by 43 mothers had
participated in the nursery program. Of the 43 mothers, seven women were involuntarily
removed from the program and six women voluntarily sent their infants home. The main reason
women gave for voluntarily leaving the programs was a desire to participate in work release, as
infants are not accommodated at the work release unit.

Positive outcomes for mothers were seen in both behavioral conduct during incarceration and in
recidivism rates. The two-year evaluation reported a 13% reduction in the number of misconduct
reports for the women after they were moved into the nursery program from the general
population. In subsequent years, due to prison crowding, women who enter the facility pregnant
and are eligible for the nursery program are placed immediately in the nursery and do not live in
general population, making it impossible to track their misconduct reports prior to entering the
nursery. Women in the nursery program are randomly urine tested for drugs. No women have
ever tested positive for drug use while participating in the nursery program.

In Nebraska, recidivism is defined as returning to confinement for a new crime within three
years of being released. The recidivism rate was 33.3 percent for women who gave birth in
custody and were immediately separated from their child in the five-year period prior to the
opening of the nursery. The recidivism rate for women who have gone through the nursery
program was at nine percent at the five-year evaluation. (It stands to reason that these numbers
may increase since some women had not been released for a full three years at the time of the
study.)

A voluntary survey of women’s experiences was conducted with 86 percent of participants
responding.18 The survey results show that the nursery program was viewed as a very positive
experience by an overwhelming number of mothers. In summary:
•

Ninety-five percent of respondents felt they had a stronger bond with their children as a
result of the nursery program;

•

Forty-nine percent felt they had higher self-confidence and esteem due to the program;

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•

Ninety-five percent felt that the parenting classes helped and should be required and
said if given the option would participate again;

•

All respondents thought other states should have similar nursery programs;

•

When the five-year evaluation was conducted 57 percent of the mothers had retained
custody of their children and 27 percent had not. (The remainder could not be located.)

Ohio Reformatory for Women19
The Ohio Reformatory for Women, which opened its nursery program in 2001, had 118 mothers
and infants participate in its first five years. Ohio officials report that only about three percent of
women who participated in the nursery program recidivated within three years. The overall
recidivism rate in Ohio, for men and women, is 38 percent. No statistics are available for the
recidivism rate of women who gave birth in state custody and were separated from their children
prior to the implementation of the nursery program. The program does not track the outcomes of
mothers or children after release.
New York State Department of Correctional Services20
In 2002, the New York State Department of Correctional Services (DOCS) released a three year
follow-up study of women who participated in the nursery programs at Bedford Hills Correctional
Facility and Taconic Correctional Facility in 1997 and 1998. One hundred and seventy-nine
mothers, (118 at Bedford and 61 at Taconic) participated in the nursery programs during this
time period. Sixty-six percent of all participants were incarcerated for drug offenses and of those
52 percent of the offenses were drug sales.

At the time of the DOCS report, 162 of the mother/child pairs had been released. Of those a
random sample of 45 mother/child pairs were selected to determine the current living situation
of the child born in custody; information on the child’s living placement was found for 37 of those
selected. The majority of the children, 62 percent, were living with their mothers. Another 30
percent were living with a relative, usually a grandmother. Two children were reported as being
placed in foster care and two children were residing with their fathers. No data is available on
the living situations of children born to mothers who did not participate in the nursery program,
or on the other children a nursery program participant may have had prior to incarceration.

The DOCS report showed a lower recidivism rate for women who participated in the nursery
program as compared to the general female prison population in New York State. At the time of

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the report, 82 mothers had been released from custody for at least three years. Of those 13.4
percent returned to custody (11 women), compared to 25.9 percent of all women under DOCS
custody who returned. Parole violations were the primary reason for women to be readmitted
(73 percent). Three women, or 27 percent, were readmitted for new crimes, two of which were
drug related.

A Needs Assessment of Children’s Access to Quality Health Care while Living with their
Incarcerated Mothers at Mother-Child Prison Programs in California21
In response to concerns about children’s access to health care in community-based residential
parenting programs, the Legal Services for Prisoners with Children in conjunction with Masters
of Public Health students from San Francisco State University performed a needs assessment
of children residing with their incarcerated mothers at the California Community Mother Prison
Program (CMPP) and at the Family Foundation Program (FFP). The research team looked
specifically at the CMPP in Oakland and the FFP in San Diego.

The needs assessment documented women’s experiences accessing health care for their
children, barriers to accessing health care and the policies and practices regarding how children
accessed health care. The research team used key informant interviews, surveys and one-onone in depth interviews to assess children’s access to quality health care while residing at these
mother-child programs.

The findings indicated that children’s overall health and access to health care was negatively
impacted by residing in at these programs. The factors leading to this conclusion include:
•

Staff with no medical training were making decisions regarding children’s health care; no
nurses or other designated person were on staff for mothers to speak with regarding
their child’s health.

•

Mothers’ concerns were not always taken seriously when they sought medical attention
for their children, resulting in significant delays in receiving health care.

•

The programs lacked a uniform policy-making body to set minimum standards and, thus
have no set standards or guidelines for access to routine medical care.

The study’s authors address possible biases and limitations of their findings. In particular the
authors note that a New York Times article on reports of abuse and neglect at a California
mother-child program may have influenced the women’s responses and reflections of the

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programs. Further, program participants self-selected to be involved with the assessment. Not
all mothers had negative reactions to the programs and most felt fortunate to have the
opportunity to maintain custody and guardianship of their children. The assessment concludes
with a number of recommendations to improve children’s access to quality health care in
residential mother-child programs.
Serving Incarcerated Mothers and their Infants in Community-Based Residences22
Researchers from the University of Illinois at Chicago conducted an evaluation of The House, a
residential program for criminal justice-involved pregnant and parenting women operated by a
community social service agency in contract with the state Corrections Department. The
researchers conducted one-on-one interviews with staff members and program participants,
observed House operations and examined participant case records to in order to assess the
impact the program had on residents.

The House has a capacity to house up to 10 mothers and their infants. To be eligible for
placement in this program a woman must be pregnant at the time of her incarceration and give
birth while in prison, have the consent of a stand-by guardian for her child, meet the work
release requirements of the Corrections Department, be within two years of mandatory
supervised release, and have not been convicted of a violent offense. The House uses a fourphase rites-of-passage model where responsibilities and privileges increase based on meeting
pre-determined benchmarks.

Researchers found that most staff and residents viewed The House programs and services
favorably, though some residents felt the parenting and life skills classes were unneeded (many
of the residents were mothers prior to being in the program and expressed being familiar with
the concepts presented). House residents also expressed frustration that while the program
helped them to bond with their infants there was little to no support in building or maintaining
relationships with their other children.

Residents and staff alike viewed The House environment as restrictive and punitive. The site
had frequent visits from corrections officials, which reinforced the program’s relationship to the
prison for many of the residents. Restrictions placed on visits and phone calls were stricter than
at the actual prison.

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19

Twelve of the 35 women who had resided at the House during the research period did not
complete the program. Of those 12, ten were sent back to prison for reasons such as a family
member not bringing the woman’s child to the program, unauthorized computer use by the
resident and other rule violations. Of ten women tracked who had completed the program, only
one was re-incarcerated.

The University of Illinois researchers concluded that overall it is possible to provide a safe
community-based environment for criminal justice involved women and their infants and that the
women in these programs are able to care for their own well-being as well as that of their
children. The researchers recommend that community-based alternatives for criminal justice
involved pregnant and parenting women should be implemented and continually evaluated.

Scientific Research
American Medical Association Scientific Session Report23
The American Medical Association (AMA) released a scientific session report in 1997 that
summarizes the research and literature available, at that time, on the feasibility of a bonding
program for incarcerated mothers and their newborn children. Primarily, the AMA examined two
pieces of research. The first is a 1992 study by researcher Dr. L. Catan of mother and child
dyads with an experimental group of infants who resided in the prison nursery and a control
group of infants who were placed with a social service agency or with extended relatives. The
other study, conducted in 1990 by Busch-Rossnagel and colleagues, researched the cognitive
and social-emotional attachment of 12 infants at the Bedford Hills Nursery Program in New
York.

The Catan study found that the infants who resided in the prison nursery showed a strong and
healthy attachment to their mothers. The Busch-Rossenagel study failed to show the same level
of attachment, reporting that 50 percent of the infants seemed insecurely attached to their
mothers. The Catan study followed the mother-child pairs three months after release from
prison, while the Busch-Rossenagel contained no longitudinal evaluation.

Catan’s study used the Griffith Mental Development Scale and found short-term detrimental
development in infants who stayed in the nursery for four months or more. The deficits exhibited
in motor, social and cognitive development disappeared soon after leaving the prison

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20

environment. Busch-Rossenagel, which used the Bayley scale, reported that 33 percent of the
infants in the nursery program were below the mean in overall development. Both studies cited
these developmental delays were most likely due to a lack of education toys and stimulus for
older children and not due the nursery itself.
Maternal and Child Outcomes of a Prison Nursery Program24
A forthcoming study of mother-child dyads, conducted by principle investigator Mary W. Byrne,
Ph.D. of Columbia University, is the first prospective and longitudinal study using established
and standardized research methods to describe and measure the outcomes of prison nursery
participants. This study is set at the Bedford Hills and Taconic Correctional Facilities from 2000
to 2008 and is comprised of three phases: a cross-sectional and exploratory sample of the
Children’s Center and the nursery program participants; a longitudinal sample of mothers and
infants co-residing in the nursery program and community follow-up during reentry; and a
comparison of mother-infant pairs who participated in the nursery program with similar motherinfant pairs who have not experienced incarceration (initiated in 2008).

The cross-sectional sample phase was conducted from 2000 to 2002 and included 58 mothers
and their 60 infants (includes two sets of twins). Nursery participants and staff completed
questionnaires and the incarcerated mothers were videotaped to observe both structured and
unstructured interactions with their infants. Questionnaire results were compared against scores
for low-risk community populations to establish both strengths and areas of concern for prison
nursery participants.
The mothers reported themselves to be in good general health,25 though they also reported
higher than average prevalence of depression and emotional problems.26 The observations
showed that a high value was placed on the maternal role and strengths in sensitivity to infant
cues.27 Development screenings revealed the infants to be within normal ranges by age for
physical growth and to be reaching milestones in gross and fine motor, social and language
skills.28

The principal investigator notes that forming bonds with other mothers is often difficult for
mothers in the prison nursery program. Because the program is inside a correctional facility, the
mothers are involuntarily together and are subjected to an atmosphere of observation, suspicion
and discipline. Often these mothers face post-release conditions where contact between each

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21

other is prohibited. These circumstances can foster negative isolation rather than positive
socialization. The principle investigator highlighted this is an issue of concern as the women
build their identities as mothers.

Findings from this phase of the research conclude that when needed resources are available, a
prison nursery program can provide a positive environment that supports parenting and child
development. These mostly positive findings contrast with the Catan study in the United
Kingdom, detailed above, which reported that infants in mother-child units (prison nursery
programs) were developmentally delayed compared to infants in the community.

The longitudinal phase of the study ran from 2003 to 2008 and included 97 mothers and their
100 children (this includes three sets of twins). The purpose of this phase of the study was to
assess the long-term impacts of participating in a prison nursery program. The mother-infant
pairs were also eligible to participate in the community follow-up phase to be implemented one
year after release from the nursery. Focus was placed on measuring attachment, mother-child
interaction and child development while continuing to collect measurements on depressive
symptomatology, parent competency, and social supports. This phase included an intervention
component as well, by having a nurse practitioner visit the participating mothers on a weekly
basis.

An Adult Attachment Interview conducted with the mothers validated that, as a group, the
women were at high-risk to not form secure attachment to their children due to their own
childhood experiences. The findings from this phase of study have established, through use of
the Stranger Situation Procedure and the Bayley Scale of Infant Development, that attachment
between and mother and child can be achieved by participating in a prison nursery program.
These findings are significant since promoting maternal attachment is a primary argument for
the creation of prison nurseries. It is also of interest that mothers who participated in the prison
nursery were likely to maintain custody of these children after release. At the one-year followup, the women also appear to have a lower recidivism rates than similar women in the
community. A long-term study of reentry is also underway and all findings will be reported in
peer-reviewed journal.29

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22

Jailed Pregnant Women and Birth Outcomes30
In an article published in American Jails magazine, Marilyn Moses and Robert Potter summarize
the results of four jail-based and two-prison based studies that examined the birth outcomes,
measured by birth weight, of incarcerated pregnant women. While the studies reviewed do not
look at residential programs and their impact on parental bonding, this article does give insight
into some of the broader issues concerning the incarceration of pregnant women.

The arguments for and against detaining pregnant women are identified and discussed
throughout the article. The authors point out that some argue that incarceration can be
detrimental to an expectant mother, mainly due to the stress of incarceration and uncertainty
about the mother and child’s future. Others assert that detention or containment is in the best
interest for the child since it will ensure that the mother is not being exposed to circumstances
that can harm the child such as drug use, smoking or exposure to sexually transmitted
infections (though these factors are indeed present in jail).

Although the six studies examined differed considerably on sample size and study design, the
findings all suggest that there is correlation between criminal justice system involvement for the
mother with healthy birth weights for the infant. The authors conclude “these finding should not
be used to support the incarceration of criminally involved pregnant women for the sake of the
unborn child” and that “justice system supervised community-based residential treatment is
likely to be in the best interest of both mother and child.”31

The collection of research presented illustrates that prison nurseries and community-based
residential parenting programs are producing positive results in terms of mother/child bonding
and lower recidivism rates among the mothers who participate. They also demonstrate the
challenges of operating these types of programs, and the need for adequate funding of these
programs. Researchers agree that additional longitudinal studies are needed to gauge the
impact these programs have on the future development of the children and their relationships
with their mothers.

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23

RECOMMENDATIONS

Increase use of community corrections and reduce reliance on incarceration.

Whenever possible, custodial parents and pregnant women under criminal justice supervision
should be housed in community-based, non-incarcerative settings. Community corrections
programs have been shown to protect public safety and reduce recidivism at a fraction of the
human and economic costs of prison.

Incarceration, especially the incarceration of mothers, breaks up families. In 2007, over 65,000
women in state and federal custody reported being mothers to minor children. Of those mothers
64 percent were the primary caregiver for their child(ren) prior to their incarceration.32 When
these women are released they often resume the role of primary caregiver.

Community-based residential parenting programs can prevent mother-child separation while
allowing mothers to address the issues that contributed to their criminal justice involvement in a
real-world setting. These programs allow mothers to practice positive responses to the
challenges of parenting and the challenges of everyday life. These programs also keep children
out of foster care and provide children the stability of a consistent primary caregiver.

Enhance program features that promote overall family wellbeing in prison nurseries and
community-based residential parenting programs.

On the whole, prison nurseries and community-based residential parenting programs could
better reflect the range of women’s family needs, which often include children born prior to the
mothers’ current sentence. Programs should operate according to prevailing community child
health and development standards. Mothers should be able to access educational and
vocational services while participating in a mother-child program, as they will be expected to
serve as both mothers and employees after their release.

Many women who give birth under criminal justice supervision already have existing children.
There is a need for residential mother-child programs that can accommodate children born prior
to the mothers’ criminal justice involvement. Children in both prison and community-based
residential programs should be allowed visits with family members, so that they may get to know

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24

the siblings, aunts, grandparents and other caretakers who will be in their lives when they go
home.

Community and in-prison programs should include staff who are certified in early child
development. Both prison nurseries and community-based residential parenting programs
should adhere to widely accepted child health standards and guidelines, such as those set forth
in the American Academy of Pediatrics and American Public Health Association’s manual
Caring for our Children: National Health and Safety Performance Standards, Guidelines for Outof Home Childcare Programs.33

Family reunification should be a priority in women’s discharge planning, and women should be
educated about their rights and responsibilities as parents from the time they enter the facility.
Participation in a mother-child program should not impede upon a mother’s ability to take
advantage of educational programming, vocational training, work release and other
opportunities and services.

Fund scientific research, participatory action research, and program evaluations of
prison nurseries and community-based residential parenting programs to reveal best
practices and the potential benefits of system reforms.

There have been very few evaluations and scientific research studies conducted of prison
nursery programs and even fewer of community-based mother-child programs. Through
research best practices and potentially beneficial system reforms can be identified and
implemented.

Participatory action research is needed to highlight the experiences of women who have been
through mother-child programs in prison and in the community. Women who have given birth
and parented while under criminal justice supervision should be involved in designing research,
determining appropriate measures, gathering data, and analyzing the results.

Programs should be evaluated or reviewed regularly by outside independent sources and
academic research should be encouraged. Programs should be formally evaluated on their
methods and outcomes, with an emphasis on mother and child health conditions, mother’s
recidivism rate, and child custody post-incarceration.

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25

Cross systems studies should be conducted that look at infants born in prison and their
outcomes in key areas such as health and mental and physical development. Special care
should be taken to ensure that such studies do not stigmatize the children who participate.

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26

APPENDIX I

Prison Nursery Programs
California
Facility

Started

Capacity

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

The California Institute for Women is the
only female facility in the state that has a
Mother-Child Reunification Program.
The final policies for participation in the
nursery are still being drafted. After
women spend up to 18 months in the
California
Scheduled 16 women – 10
nursery they will be transitioned onto
Institution for
to open
with infants and
Up to 18
parole or into a community-based
Women
September
6 who are
program such as the Community Prison
months
2009
pregnant
Mothers Program. In addition to the
Corona
planned nursery, the facility runs a childvisiting program and mother-father
mediation program. All pregnant women
are placed in this institution and other
women can request to sentenced or
transferred there.
Additional Information: http://www.cdcr.ca.gov/Visitors/Facilities/CIW.html

Illinois
Facility
Decatur
Correctional
Center

Started

Capacity

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

2007

5 mother/infant
pairs

Up to 24
months

To qualify for the Moms & Babies
Program a woman must have committed
a non-violent offense and be within two
years of release after giving birth.

Decatur

Additional Information: http://www.idoc.state.il.us/subsections/facilities/information.asp?instchoice=dct

Indiana
Facility

Started

Capacity

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

To participate in the Wee Ones Nursery
Program the child must be born in
Indiana
10
custody and the mother must be eligible
Women’s
mother/infant
Up to 18
for release by the time the child is 18
Prison
2008
pairs and 4
months
months old. Mothers and nannies who
nannies
have been convicted of child abuse or a
Indianapolis
violent crime are not eligible to participate
in the nursery.
Additional Information: http://www.in.gov/indcorrection/facility/iwp/general.htm

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27

Ohio
Facility

Ohio
Reformatory
for Women

Started

2001

Capacity

20 mothers and
up to 21 infants

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Up to 18
months

Marysville

Policy for Participation
To qualify for the Achieving Baby Care
Success Program women must give
birth while in state custody and can not
have a violent criminal record. Women
must attend family training courses,
adhere to rules and be in good mental
and physical condition. Only women who
are serving a sentence of 18 months or
less at the time of delivery are eligible.

Additional Information: http://www.drc.state.oh.us/Public/orw.htm

Nebraska
Facility

Started

Capacity

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

To participate in the nursery the mother
must give birth while in state custody and
Nebraska
not have a violent criminal record. She
Correctional
15
18 months; can also should not have any serious mental
Center for
1994
mother/infant
be extended at health concerns. A screening committee
Women
pairs
staff discretion reviews each case before women are
placed in the nursery. The mother must
York
be able to complete her sentence by the
time the child is 18 months old to be
eligible.
Additional Information: http://www.corrections.state.ne.us/institutions/nccw.html

New York
Facility

Bedford Hills
Correctional
Facility

Started

1901

Capacity

Duration of
Child’s Stay

29
mother/infant
pairs

The child can
stay for up to
18 months if
the mother will
be paroled by
then, otherwise
the child must
leave the
facility at 12
months of age.

15
mother/infant
pairs

12 - 18 months
depending on
the mothers
program.

Bedford Hills

Taconic
Correctional
Facility
Bedford Hills

1990

Policy for Participation
Several aspects of a woman’s past are
examined before she can participate in
the nursery. This includes determining
who is going to have custody of the child,
if the mother has a history of involvement
with the child-welfare system, the length
of her sentence, past episodes of
incarceration, and the nature of her crime.
Women who have committed arson or
who have a history of child abuse are not
eligible for the nursery. A woman must
give birth while in custody to qualify for
the program.

Additional Information: http://www.docs.state.ny.us/docs.html

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28

South Dakota
Facility

South Dakota
Women's
Prison

Started

1998

Capacity

No limit

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

30 Days

Women who give birth while in custody
are allowed to participate in the program
as long as the mother's crime was nonviolent in nature. All expenses related to
the baby's care are the responsibility of
the mother, including health care
expenses. Mothers keep their infants in
their cells. Other women at the facility are
able to take classes to become
babysitters and the mothers are able to
choose who they would like to act as their
babysitter.

Pierre

Additional Information: http://www.state.sd.us/corrections/womens.htm

Washington
Facility
Washington
Correctional
Center for
Women

Started

1999

Capacity
20
mother/infant
pairs

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

Up to 36
months

To qualify for the Residential Parenting
Program* the mother’s sentence must be
completed within three years of giving
birth. The women must also be classified
as minimum custody and be convicted of
a non-violent offense.

Gig Harbor

Additional Information: http://www.residentialparenting.com/index.htm
* The Washington State Correctional Center for Women refers to their program as a Residential Parenting Program – for the
purpose of this brief it is considered a Prison Nursery Program

West Virginia
Facility
Lakin
Correctional
Center for
Women*

Started

Opening
July1, 2009

Capacity

5 mother/infant
pairs

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Up to 18
months

West
Columbia

Policy for Participation
The KIDS (Keeping Infant Development
Successful) Unit will be available to
pregnant women who are within 18
months of release or parole. The nursery
is made up of modular homes located
outside the prison’s perimeter fence. To
participate in the nursery the mother must
not have been convicted of a sex crime or
a crime against a child and must be free
of disciplinary write-ups.

Additional Information:
http://www.wvdoc.com/wvdoc/PrisonsandFacilities/LakinCorrectionalCenter/tabid/50/Default.aspx

*This program is still in the planning stages. The timeline for implementation may change as well as other program elements.

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29

APPENDIX II

Community-Based Residential Parenting Programs
Alabama
Facility/
Location
Lovelady
Center
Birmingham

Started

Capacity

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

Originally
started in
1997 and
expanded
greatly in
2005

Currently 300
women and
100 children in
the residential
program

No limit on the
child’s age;
women
participate in a
6 – 12 month
program

The Lovelady Center is a communitybased program that serves as an
alternative to incarceration, as a
residence for those on parole or probation
and as a pre-release program. The
policies for participation vary based on
each woman’s circumstance.

Additional Information: www.loveladycenter.org

California
Facility/
Location

Started

Capacity

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Community Prison Mother Program
Project Pride
Oakland
Turning
Point
Bakersfield
Pomona
Los
Angeles

24 total beds
Program
started in
1980

24 total beds

Up to 6 years
of age

San Diego

A woman must first be housed in a state
prison, from which she is able to apply for the
program. Women must be pregnant or
parenting a child under age six, convicted of a
non-violent drug offense and have at least 90
days left on her sentence. Each woman is
allowed to have up to two children reside with
her.

23 total beds

Family Foundations Program

Santa Fe
Springs

Policy for Participation

1999
35 women
and 40
children

Up to 6 years
of age

2000

The Family Foundations Program is an
alternative sentencing program administered
by California Department of Corrections for
women who are convicted of non-violent
offenses and who have histories of drug
abuse. Women must be pregnant or parenting
a child under the age of six and be sentenced
no longer than 36 months. As an alternative to
incarceration, the women must be sentenced
directly to a Family Foundation Program; they
can not transfer from a state prison. The
mother spends 12 months in this highly
structured residential treatment program
followed by a 12-month aftercare/transition
period to help her successfully reenter
society.

Fresno
2007
Additional Information:
http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/cgi-bin/waisgate?WAISdocID=98397927644+1+0+0&WAISaction=retrieve

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30

Connecticut
Facility/
Location

NEON*
Women's and
Children's
Halfway
House

Started

1988

Capacity

19 women and
up to 12
children

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

Up to 10 years
of age

Women who have served part of their
sentence in prison and are interested in
reunifying with their children, and women
who are pregnant and meet other
program requirements are transferred
from the York Correctional Institution to
this program. Women are allowed to
leave the facility to attend parenting
programs and work. Some women are
allowed to stay at the house past their
sentences if they are not ready to reenter
the community.

Waterbury

Additional Information: www.neoncaa.org

* Norwalk Economic Opportunity Now

Illinois
Facility/
Location

Started

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Capacity

Policy for Participation

The Sheriff's MOM's Program is a
therapeutic community drug treatment
program for pregnant female pre-trial
substance abuse/mental health
MOM’s
detainees. Women can either be
Program
Up to pre1999
16 beds
sentenced to the program by a judge or
school age
admitted if they meet criteria such as
Chicago
being convicted of a non-violent offense,
having no history of absconding from
previous programs and having a bond
that is not over $300,000.
Additional Information: www.cookcountysheriff.org/womensjustice/moms.html

North Carolina
Facility/
Location

Our Children's
Place*
Chapel Hill

Started

Will open
in mid2010

Capacity
Start with 10
women and up
to 20 children;
then increase
capacity to 20
women and up
to 40 children

Duration of
Child’s Stay
The child can
stay until
he/she is ready
to start
kindergarten

Additional Information: http://ourchildrensplace.com/ *

Policy for Participation
To participate in this residential program
the mothers must be classified as
minimum security and be convicted of a
non-violent offense. The woman's
sentence must also end by the time the
child is ready to start kindergarten. The
mother must have custody of her child;
the child does not have to be born while in
custody.

This program is still in the planning stages. The timeline for

implementation may change.

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31

North Carolina, cont.

Summit House
Greensboro,
Charlotte,
Raleigh

1987

26 Families
through their 3
facilities

Up to 7 years
of age

Summit House is an alternative to
incarceration program to which pregnant
women or women with small children may
be sentenced to instead of as an
alternative to prison. To qualify for
Summit House a woman must be 17
years of age or older, convicted of a nonviolent offense and be pregnant or have
custody of her children. Women are
usually sentenced to this program for 12 24 months.

Additional Information: www.summithouse.org

Massachusetts
Facility/
Location

Spectrum
Women and
Children
Program

Started

1989

Capacity

13 women and
up to 11 or 12
children

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Up to 2 years
of age

Westborough

Policy for Participation
Formerly the Neil J. Houston House, this
residential substance abuse program is open
to women who are either on parole, probation
or are incarcerated. To qualify, a woman must
have a substance abuse problem, have not
been convicted of a violent offense and not
have any serious mental health issues. The
child does not have to be born in custody to
participate in this program. Based on a
community corrections model, women are able
to leave the facility only with approval from the
Department of Corrections.

Additional Information: www.spectrumhealthsystems.org

Vermont
Facility/
Location

Lund Family
Center
Burlington

Started
The Lund
Family
Center
started
about 115
years ago
but their
relationship
with the
DOC is
only six to
seven
years old.

Capacity

21 mother/child
pairs

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Up to 5 years
of age

Policy for Participation
The Lund Family Center's residential
program is open to pregnant or parenting
women in need of residential drug or mental
health services who are between the ages of
12 and 28 and who have children under five
years of age. Although the program does not
focus entirely on women with criminal justice
involvement, some women are sentenced to
this program as an alternative to incarceration.
Women from the criminal justice system can
be accepted to participate if they were
convicted of non-violent offenses, are pregnant
or have custody of their child/ren. A woman’s
sentence should be completed by the time the
child turns five years old.

Additional Information: www.lundfamilycenter.org/treatment/residential_services.shtml

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32

APPENDIX III

Jails with Nursery Programs
New York
Facility

Rikers Island Rose M Singer
Center,
New York City

Started

1989

Capacity

15 mothers/ 16
infants

Duration of
Child’s Stay

Policy for Participation

Up to 12
months

Women sentenced to Rikers Island and
women who are awaiting transfer to
Bedford Hills or Taconic state facilities
may apply for the nursery six months into
their pregnancies. A medical and mental
health evaluation is conducted as well as
an Administration for Children Services
investigation. The nature of the mother’s
crime is taken into consideration when
she is evaluated for the nursery program.

Additional Information: http://www.nyc.gov/html/doc/html/home/home.shtml

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33

APPENDIX IV

Federal Bureau of Prisons Residential Parenting Programs
MINT Facilities*
Facility/
Location
Hartford
House

Started

Capacity

Unknown

5 mother/infant
pairs

1998

10
mother/infant
pairs

Duration of
Child’s Stay
3 months

Women are moved to this facility from
the federal prison FCI Danbury in CT.
Most women admitted to this site have
two years or less remaining on their
sentence.

12months

Women can be moved to this facility
from any federal prison in the country.
No restriction on the length of the
women’s sentence for participation was
reported.

Hartford, CT
Tallahassee
MINT Program
Tallahassee,
FL

Triangle
Center MINT
Program

Mid-Late
1990s

4 mother/infant
pairs

3 months

early
1980s

20
mother/infant
pairs

3 months

Springfield, IL

Volunteers of
America
Fort Worth,
TX

Greenbrier
Birthing
Center

1994

20
mother/infant
pairs

Policy for Participation

18 months

Hillsboro, WV

Women arrive at this program from any
federal facility in the country. The
mothers receive three months prenatal
care and then three months of motherchild bonding. The Triangle Center has
relationships with several communitybased services and the women are
allowed to leave the facility with an
escort to take advantage of these
services.
Women may be transferred from any
federal facility in the country towards
the end of their pregnancy, however
most come from FMC Carswell. There
is no restriction on the length of the
women’s sentence for participation.
This is the original MINT program
location.
Women are transferred to this facility
from any federal facility in the country.
The mother's sentence can not be
longer than 15 years to participate. This
site offers the most extensive
programming and has the longest time
allotment.

Additional Information: www.bop.gov/inmate_programs/female.jsp
*Unable to contact BSSW-CSC (Pregnant Offender) in Phoenix, AZ and CCI Mother with Infant Program
in San Francisco, CA for interviews.

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APPENDIX V
An International Look at Mothers and Children in Prison

In 1987, the Alliance of Non-Governmental Organizations on Crime Prevention and Criminal
Justice, a United Nations workgroup, called for greater use of community based sanctions for
pregnant and parenting women in lieu of prison.34 This recommendation was echoed in 2000
when the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly called for the development and use of
community based programs for mothers who have committed low-level crimes and do not pose
a danger to the community.35
It is common in both industrialized36 and developing37 countries to allow incarcerated pregnant
and parenting women to reside with their children in a correctional facility. The reasons for
allowing children to stay with their mothers and the level of programming offered vary
considerably from country to country, and often within a country as well. The differences in
policies often reflect individual countries’ views on rehabilitation within the criminal justice
system and the roles that women and mothers play in society. Similarly to the United States,
individual programs for pregnant and parenting women are often located in a specific prison and
are not representative of the nation’s prison system as a whole.

International Practices

Industrialized and developing countries have taken innovative approaches within their criminal
justice systems to address the issue of pregnant and parenting women. While there are longdocumented human rights abuses in justice and prison systems around the globe, programs
and services for pregnant and parenting women have been developed in both industrialized and
developing countries that are worth mentioning.

In Canada, a child’s wishes are taken into consideration when deciding if the child should stay
with its mother and the child may decide at any time to stop living in the prison.38 Judges in
Kyrgyzstan are required to consider the effect on the child when sentencing the mother. It is
common for a woman in Kyrgyzstan with children under 14 years of age to have her sentence
suspended if it is her first offense.39

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As in the U.S., most prison nursery programs arrange for the mother and child to leave the
correctional facility at the same time. However, the maximum allowable stay varies greatly
across the globe. In the United States, at the few facilities that have prison nursery programs,
the child is generally only allowed to stay until it reaches 12 to 18 months of age.40 In Germany
children are allowed to stay with their incarcerated mother until the age of four or six, depending
on the facility.41 Countries such as Iceland and Ghana only allow infants to stay with their
mothers until the child is weaned.42 In developing countries this strategy is sometimes used to
decrease rates of infant mortality.

Nations also differ on their rules around bringing young children into the prison once the mother
is sentenced. Prison-based programs in the U.S. do not allow mothers to bring children in with
them; the child must be born in custody. Many developing countries lack child welfare and foster
care systems. Without the infrastructure in place to care for children of incarcerated parents,
these children often end up residing in prison with their mothers because there is no place else
for them to go. As a result countries such as India and Egypt allow children to accompany their
mothers in pre-trial detention as well.43 The women’s prison in Punjab, India allows women to
bring a child under five-years of age into the facility.44 It is mandatory for children born in prison
in Mexico to stay with their mother until they reach age six.45

Similar to the United States, programs found in industrialized nations, and occasionally in
developing countries, only allow children to live in correctional facilities that have specialized
housing and programming that can accommodate infants and children. These prison nursery
programs (often referred to as Mother and Baby Units internationally) are usually kept separate
from the general prison population. It is also standard practice in industrialized countries for
women to give birth in a hospital or medical facility outside of the prison and then return to the
prison with her child.

Allowing children to reside in prison with their incarcerated parents has necessitated the
development of education and socialization programs to meet the needs of these children.
Prisons across India are obligated to provide nurseries and day care for the children; these
facilities are also open to prison staff and sometimes the outside community. In Chile children
start attending a Sala Cuna, which is responsible for socio-educational programs, at six-months
of age. If a Sala Cuna is not available at the prison children are permitted to attend one in the
community.46

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Even if the best option is to not allow the child to reside in prison with its mother, efforts can be
taken to maintain the mother-child bond. Some women in Germany have had mothering
approved as a legitimate work-release assignment. These mothers leave the prison each
morning to get their children ready for school, during the day they do housework and prepare for
the children to return for school. At the end of each day they put their children to bed and then
return to the prison.47 This approach recognizes the importance a mother plays in her child’s life
while at the same time supporting normalcy for the child while its mother is incarcerated.

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1

The program descriptions included in this brief are based largely on interviews conducted with facility and
program staff in 2008 and 2009. It is acknowledged that the list of programs may not be all-inclusive.
2
National Prisoner Statistical Data Series conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics and West, Heather C. and
William J. Sabol. Prisoners in 2007. Bureau of Justice Statistics: December 2008.
3
Maruschak, Laura M. Medical Problems of Prisoners. Bureau of Justice Statistics; April 2008.
4
Greenfeld, Lawrence A. and Tracy L. Snell. Women Offenders. Bureau of Justice Statistics; Dec, 1999.
5
National Prisoner Statistical Data Series conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics and West, Heather C. and
William J. Sabol. Prisoners in 2007. Bureau of Justice Statistics: December 2008.
6
Maruschak, Laura M. Medical Problems of Prisoners. Bureau of Justice Statistics; April 2008.
7
Greenfeld, Lawrence A. and Tracy L. Snell. Women Offenders. Bureau of Justice Statistics; Dec, 1999.
8
Kauffman, Kelsey. Mothers in Prison. Corrections Today; February 2001. Vol. 63, Iss. 1; pg 62, 4pgs.
9
Azar, Beth. The Bond Between Mother and Child. American Psychological Society; September 1995.
10
State of New York Department of Correctional Services. The Prison Nursery Programs at Bedford Hills
Correctional Facility and Taconic Correctional Facility. New York; 1992.
11
Many news articles state that the general criticism around prison nurseries is that prisons are no place for a child
and that if a mother is being punished she should not be allowed to keep her infant with her in prison. The following
article is an example of the discourse that occurs during debates around prison nurseries: Porterfield, Mannix. West
Virginia’s Prison Nursery Program Receives Worldwide Attention. The Register-Herald; March 16, 2007.
12
Johnston, Lauren. Bedford Hills Correctional Facilities Blazes Trail. Voices Unabridged; May 19, 2005.
13
Carlson, Joseph R. Evaluating the Effectiveness of a Live-in Nursery within a Women’s Prison. Journal of
Offender Rehabilitation; 1998.
14
Phone conversation with Scott Chavez, Vice President NCCHC; February 13, 2009.
15
American Correctional Association. Standards for Adult Correctional Institutions, 4th Edition; Jan, 2003.
16
ACLU. Bureau of Prisons Revises Policy on Shackling of Pregnant Inmates; October 20, 2008.
http://blog.aclu.org/2008/10/20/bureau-of-prisons-revises-policy-on-shackling-of-pregnant-inmates/
17
Carlson, Joseph R. Evaluating the Effectiveness of a Live-in Nursery within a Women’s Prison. Journal of
Offender Rehabilitation; 1998 and Prison Nursery 2000: A Five-year Review of the Prison Nursery at the Nebraska
Correctional Center for Women. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation; 2001.
18
Mothers who have completed the nursery program in Nebraska have shown a loyalty to the program and have
formed friendships with the other mothers. These relationships have created some ease for conducting follow-up
with the mothers, though the program is considering asking the mothers to sign a waiver authorization form for the
Department of Health and Human Services to allow access to her records after release in order to track if they
maintains custody of their children or if they have any future charges of child neglect or abuse.
19
Zachariah, Holly. Nurseries’ Success Hard to Measure. Knight Ridder Tribune Business News; October, 14 2006.
20
State of New York Department of Correctional Services. Profile and Three Year Follow-up on Bedford Hills and
Taconic Nursery Program Participants: 1997 & 1998. Division of Program Planning, Research and Evaluation;
2002.
21
San Francisco State University Department of Public Health & Legal Services for Prisoners with Children. A
Needs Assessment of Children’s Access to Quality Health Care while Living with their Incarcerated Mother at
Mother-child Prison Programs in California; 2007.
22
Hairston, Creasie Finney, et al. Serving Incarcerated Mothers and their Babies in Community-Based Residences.
Research Brief: Children, Families and the Criminal Justice System; University of Illinois at Chicago; Summer
2003.
23
American Medical Association. Report 3 of the Council on Scientific Affairs. Bonding Programs for Women
Prisoners and Their Newborn Children; December 1997.
24
Byrne, Mary. Maternal and Child outcome of a Prison Nursery Program, funded by National Institute of Health,
NR RO1-007782, 2003 – 2008, Principal Investigator, M. Byrne; 2008.
25
SF-36 health status inventory
26
Radloff Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression scale
27
NCAST Teaching Scale and Mother Infant Communication Screening
28
Denver Development Screening Test II, Early Language Milestones and Clinical Adaptive Test/ Clinical
Linguistic Auditory Milestones

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29

The Byrne study was funded through grants from Columbia University, the New York State Department of Health
and the National Institute of Health. No funding was provided by the New York State Department of Correctional
Services.
30
Moses, Marilyn C. and Roberto Hugh Potter, PH.D. Jailed and Pregnant Women and Birth Outcomes. American
Jails; March/April 2008.
31
Ibid. - Page 90.
32
Glaze, Lauren. and Laura M. Maruschak. Parents in Prison and Their Minor Children. Bureau of Justice Statistics
Special Report; August 2008.
33
American Academy of Pediatrics and American Public Health Association. Caring for our Children: National
Health and Safety Performance Standards, Guidelines for Out-of Home Childcare programs; Available at:
http://nrc.uchsc.edu/CFOC/
34
Alliance of Non-Governmental Organizations on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice. Children in Prison with
their Mothers. A Report of the Working Party of the Alliance of Non-Governmental Organization on Crime
Prevention and Criminal Justice; September 1987.
35
The Quaker Council for European Affairs. Mothers in Prison: A Review of the Conditions in Member States of the
Council of Europe; February 2007.
36
Industrialized or developed nations are countries with strong economies that translate into higher overall standards
of living and human rights. In addition to the United States, countries such as Canada, Australia and most of
Western Europe fall into this category.
37
Developing Countries vary extensively in their levels of government infrastructure and usually experience a
quality of life that is lower than in industrialized nations.
38
Robertson, Oliver. Children Imprisoned by Circumstance. Quaker United Nations Office. Human Rights and
Refugee Publications; April 2008.
39
Ibid.
40
Twelve to 18 months is an average maximum allowable stay at U.S. prison nursery programs. Washington State
allows children to stay up to three years of age while South Dakota only allows infants to stay for 30 days.
41
The Quaker Council for European Affairs. Mothers in Prison: A Review of the Conditions in Member States of the
Council of Europe, Part Two Country Report: Germany; February 2007.
42
Bastick, Megan. Women in Prison: A Commentary on the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of
Prisoners. Quaker United Nations Office; July 2005.
43
Robertson, Oliver. Children Imprisoned by Circumstance. Quaker United Nations Office. Human Rights and
Refugee Publications; April 2008.
44
Robertson, Oliver. Children Imprisoned by Circumstance. Quaker United Nations Office. Human Rights and
Refugee Publications; April 2008.
45
McKinley Jr., James C. In Prison, Toddlers Serve Time with Mom. The New York Times; Dec 2007.
46
Ibid.
47
The Quaker Council for European Affairs. Mothers in Prison: A Review of the Conditions in Member States of the
Council of Europe, Part Two Country Report: Germany; February 2007.

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